Rachel Dyer

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Rachel Dyer
Black text on yellowed paper giving the title, author, and publication information for Rachel Dyer
Title page
Author John Neal
Country United States
Language English
Genre Historical fiction
Gothic fiction
Set in Salem witch trials
Publisher Shirley and Hyde
Publication date
 1828
Pages 276
OCLC 1049117822

Rachel Dyer: A North American Story is a Gothic style historical novel by American writer John Neal. Published in 1828, in Portland, Maine, it is the first bound novel about the Salem witch trials. Though it garnered little critical notice in its day, it influenced works by Nathaniel Hawthorne, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, John Greenleaf Whittier, and Walt Whitman. It is best remembered for the American literary nationalist essay "Unpublished Preface" that precedes the body of the novel.

Following a darkly poetic, multi-chapter place-setting narrative, the story centers around historical figure George Burroughs and fictional witch hysteria victim, Rachel Dyer. With about two-thirds of the story taking place in the courtroom, it follows the trials of multiple alleged witches. Themes include justice, sexual frustration, mistreatment of American Indians by Puritans, the myth of national American unity in the face of pluralist reality, and republican ideals as an antidote for Old World precedent.

Originally written in 1825 as a short story for Blackwood's Magazine, Neal expanded Rachel Dyer after returning to his hometown from a stint in London. He experimented with speech patterns, dialogue, and transcriptions of Yankee dialect, crafting a style for the novel that overshadowed its plot and that Neal hoped would come to characterize American literature. The novel is widely considered to be Neal's most successful, utilizing a more controlled construction than his preceding books. It saw no second edition, however, until it was republished by facsimile in 1964.

Plot

The novel opens with the narrator stating that belief in witchcraft is a universal human trait and was well established amongst educated authorities by the 1690s in both the United Kingdom and British North America. Puritans fled persecution in England when they colonized New England, but quickly utilized violence against Quaker colonists and Indigenous Wampanoag.

Mary Dyer is executed and fellow Quaker Elizabeth Hutchinson (based on Anne Hutchinson)[1] curses their persecutors. A series of events impacting the Massachusetts Bay Colony fulfill that curse: King Phillip's War, King William's War, epidemics, an earthquake, fires, storms, conflict within the church, and finally, the Salem witch trials. The peculiarities of colonial court proceedings are introduced, as are early Puritan leaders, Governor William Phips and Reverend Matthew Paris (based on Samuel Parris).[2]

Paris is grieving his recently deceased wife. Psychologically vulnerable and superstitious, he centers his life around his ten-year-old daughter, Abigail Paris (based on Betty Parris).[2] She and her twelve-year-old cousin, Bridget Pope (based on Abigail Williams),[2] begin to display demonic behavior. Indigenous neighbors who used to visit the household begin avoiding it and Matthew Paris searches for an explanation by interrogating Tituba, an Indigenous household servant whom he enslaves. Paris accuses Tituba of witchcraft and she is arrested, tortured, convicted, and executed. While undergoing torture, she implicates Sarah Good of the same crime in her confession.

File:TheLegendofSalem-Burroughs.jpg
1871 engraving of George Burroughs

Reverend George Burroughs appears at Good's trial. Of mixed European and Indigenous American ancestry and upbringing, Burroughs is a Puritan minister who has been widowed twice. He witnessed the recent Battle of Fort Loyal while serving as minister in Falmouth (now Portland, Maine), but refused to take sides. He escaped injury by mingling into the crowd of Pequot warriors outside the fort, dressed and speaking as a Mohawk.

Burroughs defends Good in court and criticizes colonial leaders of breaking treaties and waging unjust war with the Iroquois. Despite Burroughs's defense, Good is convicted and at her execution she proclaims her innocence and prophecy that other innocent victims will be executed. Rachel Dyer appears in the crowd and shouts her support for Sarah Good. Rachel is described as a hunchback with red hair. She and her sister Mary Elizabeth Dyer are Quakers and granddaughters of Mary Dyer, the latter taking her middle name from Elizabeth Hutchinson.

By the time of Martha Corey's trial, many more have been arrested for witchcraft, and fear of accusation has swept the town. Burroughs unsuccessfully attempts to defend Corey, who is aloof throughout the trial. Following a speech from Increase Mather, Corey is hanged.

Burroughs visits Matthew Paris to investigate the origin of the witch hysteria and finds the household fearful and lifeless. Burroughs then visits the Dyer sisters because of their vocal opposition to the witch hysteria. The three learn that authorities in Salem have issued warrants for their arrest. They flee and are captured en route to the colony of Providence Plantations. While imprisoned and awaiting trial, Burroughs fails to convince the Dyer sisters to issue false confessions, thereby delaying their own executions until the hysteria hopefully passes.

Judith Hubbard, who is jealous of Burroughs's affection for Mary Elizabeth Dyer, appears at his trial. She testifies that both of his dead wives have appeared to her as spirits and told her that he murdered them. A boy named Robert Eveleth testifies that Hubbard, Abigail Paris (now dead), and Bridget Pope (who is dying) conspired against Burroughs. Eveleth's testimony is dismissed and Matthew Paris is going mad and unable to provide corroborating testimony. Burroughs is convicted on Hubbard's spectral evidence, but is comforted by Rachel Dyer. She is convicted later the same day.

Burroughs is executed and Rachel Dyer dies in her cell clutching a bible. Their martyrdom breaks the witch hysteria before Mary Elizabeth Dyer or anybody else is executed. The final chapter is followed by an appendix labeled "Historical Facts", in which the author cites connections between first-hand accounts of the witch trials and the circumstances of the story.

Themes

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"They were ministers of the gospel, who ... pursued their brethren to death, scourged, fined, imprisoned, banished, mutilated, and where nothing else would do, hung up their bodies between heaven and earth for the good of their souls".

Description of the Puritans as Gothic place setting[3]

As a Gothic novel,[4] Rachel Dyer uses gloomy narration, associates dark spaces with immorality, depicts New England forests as the devil's domain, and portrays superstition as the product of rural isolation.[5] Nathaniel Hawthorne cited the novel's Puritan Massachusetts setting as an influence in writing The Scarlet Letter.[6] In addition, Sarah Good's curse from the gallows may have inspired Matthew Maule's curse in Hawthorne's The House of the Seven Gables.[7] After reading Rachel Dyer, John Greenleaf Whittier and Henry Wadsworth Longfellow were inspired to include witchcraft in their poetry and prose.[8]

Many scholars see Rachel Dyer as a story of injustice[9] rooted in the imposition of Old World legal forms upon the free will of New World people.[10] Neal connected the disparate mid-17th-century stories of Quaker dissenters Anne Hutchinson and Mary Dyer of Boston into 1692 Salem. This is interpreted as a critique of English common law's irrational reliance on precedent[11] by setting up the witch trial story as supernatural retribution for Dyer's and Hutchinson's persecution under unjust laws.[12] The court's most outspoken opponent, George Burroughs questions the judges rulings and receives in reply: "such was the law, the law of the mother-country and therefore the law of the colonies".[13] Juxtaposing crown colonies of the 1690s with republican America of the 1820s highlights the relative value placed on human life in either era,[14] but also critiques reliance on tradition and hierarchy in the United States of Neal's time.[15]

This critique of Puritans as opponents of personal liberty is balanced against Neal's need to nationalistically portray them as a founding body of the US.[16] Neal was at the forefront of the early American literary nationalist movement,[17] which he implies with this novel is intrinsic to the creation of a new legal system that abandons common law through codification.[18] Rachel Dyer was published the same year as Noah Webster's first dictionary. Neal commented on his country's textual search for identity by making the greatest opponent to common law a George Burroughs of mixed English and Indigenous American ancestry and upbringing.[19] Writing Indigenous and racially mixed characters into his novels is one way Neal fashioned his literary nationalist brand.[20]

Hand-colored engraving on stained white paper of an adult American Indian man holding a rifle and leading a group of American Indians
1772 engraving of Metacomet by Paul Revere

Neal also used the novel's interpretation of republican American values to condemn treatment of Indigenous Americans by European Americans.[21] He defends Metacomet's legacy from King Philip's War[14] and characterizes the witch hysteria as supernatural retribution for the Puritans' mistreatment of their Indigenous neighbors.[12] In that way, Neal anticipated many 21st-century historians' arguments that the witch hysteria grew from colonists' anxieties born of recent wars with Indigenous nations.[22]

The way they are presented in the novel, Indigenous Americans represent life, though the Puritans associate them with death and dismiss their insight.[23] His choice to give Burroughs a multiracial identity and have him navigate between white and Indigenous worlds is interpreted as a challenge to the concepts of national unity and imperialism.[24] In this way, Neal could critique colonial America while insinuating that the mistakes of the 1690s were at risk of being repeated in his own time.[25]

Neal clearly states in the preface that one of his intentions in crafting the novel's title character was to counteract the dominant literary theme that links positive personal attributes with physical beauty, saying "that a towering intellect may inhabit a miserable body".[26] This is a theme he employed with the character of Hammond in his 1823 novel Errata.[27] Despite her physical deformities,[14] Rachel Dyer demonstrates high morals and commitment to female solidarity in spite of the jealousy she felt at other women's attraction to George Burroughs.[28] Neal wrote at a time when most critics attacked literature that failed to conform to traditional British conventions. Neal presented Rachel Dyer to defy those criticisms.[29]

Sexual frustration is a theme that is raised throughout the novel.[30] Neal links the origin of the witch hysteria to the sexual development of young Bridget Pope,[30] whose bewitched behavior stems from sexual frustration and is calmed too late when she is reunited with her love interest, Robert Eveleth, after the trials have already begun.[31] Matthew Paris is depicted as an isolated, sexually frustrated man.[32] With Tituba and John Indian the only couple in the household, Matthew Paris is threatened by their sexuality, and makes his accusation as a result.[33] Finally, Neal portrays Judith Hubbard's false testimony against Burroughs as revenge for romantic rejection from Burroughs.[34]

Style

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  Do thee mean to confess?
  I — I! —
  Ah George —
  I cannot Rachel — I dare not — I am a preacher of the word of truth. But you may — what is there to hinder you?
  Thee will not?
  No.
  Nor will I.

Stichomythic dialogue with no quotation marks or identifying tags[35]

Dialogue is the predominant vehicle for Neal's experiments with writing style in Rachel Dyer, overshadowing plot and characterization.[36] This is particularly the case in courtroom scenes, which make up two-thirds of the book's length,[36] and that provide a vehicle for demonstrating style elements that Neal felt should come to define American literature.[37]

Neal experimented with a wide range of speech patterns and dialogue techniques, ranging from long, eloquent speeches to short, repetitive murmurs.[38] He omitted quotation marks throughout the novel, feeling they are unnecessary for properly constructed dialogue.[39] Much of the dialogue lacks identifying tags and moves stichomythically back and forth between speakers with little or no interrupting narration.[40] Using crowded, cacophonous courtroom scenes, Neal attempted to paint a picture of a heterogenous nation that dismisses Old World precedent and encourages discourse between races and nationalities.[41]

Like many of his other novels, Neal used Rachel Dyer to experiment with phonetic transcriptions of Yankee dialect, which is assigned to minor characters like Robert Eveleth, the court bailiff, and frontier townsfolk at the Battle of Fort Loyal.[42] This is Neal's attempt at literary realism[27] and at conceptualizing the US as a culturally diverse place.[43] This pioneering effort to document regional American dialect was cited in the first edition of the Dictionary of American English more than a century later.[44]

Background

File:John Neal by Sarah Miriam Peale, c. 1823, oil on canvas - Portland Museum of Art - Portland, Maine - DSC04059.jpg
John Neal in 1823

Neal was one of Blackwood's Magazine's most prolific contributors between 1824 and 1825, while living in London.[45] In 1825, he proposed a series of short stories based in the US, and submitted the first one in October of that year.[46] William Blackwood accepted the story and paid for it, but delayed publication until Neal demanded it back in February 1826.[47] After returning to his native Portland, Maine in 1827, he set to work on expanding it, consulting Robert Calef's More Wonders of the Invisible World, which had been republished in 1823.[48] The resulting novel Rachel Dyer is longer, but not substantially different from the original tale, which Neal eventually published as "New-England Witchcraft" in five issues of The New York Mirror in 1839.[49]

Neal was likely inspired to elevate George Burroughs to the role of protagonist in his version of the witch trials story because of Burroughs's stint as minister in Portland (then Falmouth).[50] Moreover, Burroughs was well-known for his physical strength, as was Neal.[51] Given these connections, Neal may have felt comfortable filling in many of the unknown details of Burroughs's life with circumstances of his own, making Burroughs into something of a lawyer like himself with persuasive speaking techniques Neal learned as an adolescent dry goods salesman.[37] Given his interest in history and law, Neal would have been drawn to the Salem court records as research material for the novel.[52] The title character and heroine, however, having no basis in history, he named in honor of his sister, Rachel Wilson Neal.[53]

Like his magazine The Yankee,[54] which also launched in 1828, Rachel Dyer may have been part of Neal's campaign to win back the respect of his hometown. Many in Portland had rejected him based on controversy surrounding his earlier novels and articles for British magazines.[55] He wrote it, he said, "hoping it may be regarded by the wise and virtuous of our country as some sort of atonement for the folly and extravagance of my earlier writing".[56]

He also announced that he was done with novels as an artistic medium. Though he did publish Authorship in 1830 and The Down-Easters in 1833, it is clear that he wrote first drafts of both novels in London before publishing Rachel Dyer.[57] He did not write another bound novel until True Womanhood in 1859, at the urging of Longfellow, Samuel Austin Allibone, and others in the literary field.[58]

"Unpublished Preface"

Chapter one of Rachel Dyer is preceded by a three-page preface and a fifteen-page essay titled "Unpublished Preface to the North-American Stories".[59] Neal wrote the latter in 1825 for Blackwoods Magazine as an introductory essay to a series of short stories, but the editor rejected it.[60] The essay is a manifesto for American literary nationalism, a movement for which Neal was at the forefront in the 1820s.[61] The product of one of the most aggressive among early literary nationalists,[17] the essay is far better known among modern critics and scholars than the novel to which it is attached.[62]

Engraving in black ink on white paper of an adult white man with a dark hat and white buttoned shirt and a short beard
Frontispiece to Leaves of Grass

The "Unpublished Preface" recognizes efforts by other American novelists to explore American places and characters, but criticizes them for failing to help develop new linguistic and formal styles.[63] This could be achieved, Neal argued, through experimentation with American colloquialism, speech patterns, and regional accents.[64] Contending that American novelists relied too much on British precedent,[63] he dismissed Washington Irving as a copy of Joseph Addison and James Fenimore Cooper as a copy of Walter Scott. "I shall never write what is now worshipped [sic] under the name of classical English ... the deadest language I ever met with", he said.[65]

Neal also advanced cultural pluralism in the essay, criticizing his literary peers for limiting themselves to white characters as representative of the American identity.[66] He blamed them for helping advance Jacksonian values on the rise at the time: manifest destiny, empire building, Indian removal, consolidation of federal power, racialized citizenship, and the Cult of Domesticity. Unlike Neal's earlier literary nationalist works that portrayed the US as a unified nation, the "Unpublished Preface" represents the author's movement toward American literary regionalism in reaction to Jacksonian populism.[67]

Like the novel it precedes, the "Unpublished Preface" rejects precedent,[62] calling for "another Declaration of Independence, in the Great Republic of Letters".[68] This is a theme for which Neal was well-known at the time[25] and that ran through all seven of Neal's previously published novels,[69] many of which included literary nationalist statements in their prefaces.[61] However, this essay also uses the relatively uncontroversial concept of literary nationalism to advance the more controversial push among radical American lawyers to abandon English common law.[70]

This nationalist/regionalist challenge likely inspired Walt Whitman to write Leaves of Grass twenty-seven years later.[71] Whitman likely read Rachel Dyer as a boy. Years later he interacted with Neal as a regular contributor to Brother Jonathan magazine while Neal was editor in 1843.[72]

Publication history

Rachel Dyer is the first fictionalized account of the Salem witch trials story in a bound novel, being preceded only by Salem, an Eastern Tale (1820), which was published anonymously to little notice and low distribution in serial form by a New York City literary journal.[73] Neal's novel was published in Portland, Maine in 1828,[74] and never saw a second edition, though it was first republished by facsimile with an original introduction by John D. Seelye in 1964.[75] This was the first of Neal's major novels to be republished since Seventy-Six was republished in London in 1840.[76]

Reception

Period critique

Rachel Dyer was an obscure novel when it was published, attracting little critical attention in the US and virtually none in the UK for years.[77] Referring to the novel's comparatively focused construction, one American reviewer said five months after publication that it "has fewer of the peculiarities of its peculiar author".[78] A British critic, while reviewing Neal's next novel Authorship in 1831, offered brief and lukewarm praise of the earlier work by referring to George Burroughs as "the wild preacher of the woods ... a personage worthy of the dramatic era of Elizabeth".[79] Neal also published two reviews in his own magazine The Yankee.[80] His self-review repeated a sentiment in the "Unpublished Preface" that it is his best work, but that he is capable of better: "It is the best thing of the sort ever produced by John Neal, though not altogether such a work as might have been hoped for by his countrymen."[81] The other Yankee review was written by a friend who anticipated the prevailing sentiment amongst modern scholars that Rachel Dyer represents Neal's best effort to date to control his own expansive proclivities. "Wherever Neal's imagination has been employed throughout the work", he said, "it has been more temperate and rational than on any former occasion of the kind."[82]

Years later, the novel was praised by Whittier and Longfellow, who both received their first impactful encouragement in The Yankee.[83] Whittier praised the opening chapters as "magnificent poetry" that certainly sprang from Neal's deep convictions.[84] In 1868, Longfellow wrote brief and mixed praise in his private journal: "Read John Neal's Rachel Dyer, a tale of Witchcraft. Some parts very powerful."[85]

Modern views

Among contemporary scholars of John Neal's novels, Rachel Dyer is widely considered to be his most successful.[86] Biographer Donald A. Sears specifically pointed to the novel's depth of characterization, skilled phonetic transcription of regional accents, and experimentations with dialogue.[87] Both he and Fritz Fleischmann claimed that the work fulfilled the literary nationalist call of the "Unpublished Preface" better than any other by Neal.[88] Biographer Benjamin Lease felt that, while Hawthorne and Herman Melville used the same themes years later to produce better novels, "in 1828, Rachel Dyer stands alone".[89]

When praising Rachel Dyer, many scholars focus on the story's construction. Compared to Neal's earlier novels, Fleischmann called it "carefully controlled",[90] Lease said it was "far more concentrated in effect",[91] Sears said it was "written with better control",[50] Hans-Joachim Lang claimed it has "more concentrated power",[9] and Seelye wrote in the introduction to the 1964 republication that the story has more "control and warmth".[92] Lease, however, tempered his praise of the novel's powerful and well-constructed elements, critiquing the more excessive parts of the novel, particularly the courtroom scenes, "where the lawyer in Neal gets somewhat the better of the novelist."[93] Irving T. Richards went further, claiming that Rachel Dyer suffers from "absurd extravagances" that are "especially obnoxious" given the grave chapter of American history it represents.[94] He felt that the strength of the story's construction came more from the absence of wandering excesses than the presence of a unified theme.[95] Whereas most scholars posit that Neal subdued his natural expansive tendencies in order to write Rachel Dyer, Maya Merlob argued that his more erratic works represent as much an intentionally chosen model as this novel does.[96]

References

Citations

  1. ↑ Gould 1996, p. 203.
  2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 Richards 1933, p. 697n2.
  3. ↑ Neal 1964, pp. 45–46.
  4. ↑ Welch 2021, p. 471; Carlson 2007, p. 407.
  5. ↑ Lease 1972, pp. 143–144; Sears 1978, p. 82.
  6. ↑ Kayorie 2019, p. 90; Seelye 1964, p. xii; Lease 1972, p. 137.
  7. ↑ Sears 1978, p. 83.
  8. ↑ Lease 1972, p. 137; Sears 1978, p. 82.
  9. ↑ 9.0 9.1 Lease & Lang 1978, p. xxiii.
  10. ↑ Fleischmann 1983, p. 295.
  11. ↑ Carlson 2007, pp. 408–409.
  12. ↑ 12.0 12.1 Lease 1972, pp. 138–139.
  13. ↑ Fleischmann 1983, pp. 307–308, quoting Rachel Dyer.
  14. ↑ 14.0 14.1 14.2 Sears 1978, p. 81.
  15. ↑ Gould 1996, p. 205; Carlson 2007, pp. 409, 427n11; Fleischmann 1983, p. 317.
  16. ↑ Gould 1996, pp. 18–19, 175–176.
  17. ↑ 17.0 17.1 Welch 2021, p. 473.
  18. ↑ Carlson 2007, pp. 407, 409, 427n11.
  19. ↑ Seelye 1964, p. xi; Richards 1933, p. 699.
  20. ↑ Goddu 1997, p. 58.
  21. ↑ Watts 2012, pp. 212–213.
  22. ↑ Carlson 2007, p. 422.
  23. ↑ Fleischmann 1983, pp. 305, 317.
  24. ↑ Pethers 2012, p. 24–25; Davis 2007, p. 66.
  25. ↑ 25.0 25.1 Watts & Carlson 2012b, p. xviii.
  26. ↑ Sears 1978, p. 80, quoting Rachel Dyer.
  27. ↑ 27.0 27.1 Richards 1933, p. 703.
  28. ↑ Fleischmann 1983, p. 313.
  29. ↑ Carlson 2007, p. 416.
  30. ↑ 30.0 30.1 Fleischmann 1983, p. 301.
  31. ↑ Fleischmann 1983, p. 311.
  32. ↑ Fleischmann 1983, p. 302.
  33. ↑ Fleischmann 1983, p. 303.
  34. ↑ Sears 1978, p. 84; Fleischmann 1983, p. 301.
  35. ↑ Neal 1964, p. 257.
  36. ↑ 36.0 36.1 Pethers 2012, p. 24.
  37. ↑ 37.0 37.1 Merlob 2012, pp. 111–112.
  38. ↑ Lease 1972, p. 144.
  39. ↑ Richards 1933, p. 705.
  40. ↑ Pethers 2012, p. 24; Lease 1972, p. 144.
  41. ↑ Davis 2007, p. 66; Carlson 2007, pp. 418, 430n29.
  42. ↑ Lease 1972, pp. 144, 153.
  43. ↑ Pethers 2012, pp. 12, 27.
  44. ↑ Lease 1972, p. 189.
  45. ↑ Lease 1972, p. 50; Sears 1978, p. 71.
  46. ↑ Richards 1933, pp. 495–496.
  47. ↑ Richards 1933, pp. 495–496, 498–499.
  48. ↑ Gould 1996, p. 203; Carlson 2007, p. 426n7; Sears 1978.
  49. ↑ Richards 1933, p. 920.
  50. ↑ 50.0 50.1 Sears 1978, p. 79.
  51. ↑ Seelye 1964, pp. viii–x.
  52. ↑ Sears 1978, pp. 79, 137n1, 137n2.
  53. ↑ Fleischmann 1983, p. 319.
  54. ↑ Sears 1978, p. 112; Richards 1933, p. 577.
  55. ↑ Sears 1978, pp. 79–80, 137–138n3.
  56. ↑ Fleischmann 1983, p. 294, quoting the preface to Rachel Dyer.
  57. ↑ Lease 1972, pp. 146, 159.
  58. ↑ Sears 1978, p. 11; Richards 1933, pp. 1181–1182.
  59. ↑ Neal 1964, pp. iii–xx.
  60. ↑ Lease & Lang 1978, p. xxi.
  61. ↑ 61.0 61.1 Welch 2021, p. 471.
  62. ↑ 62.0 62.1 Carlson 2007, p. 406.
  63. ↑ 63.0 63.1 Welch 2021, p. 474.
  64. ↑ Richards 1933, pp. 694–695.
  65. ↑ Lease 1972, pp. 143–144, quoting the "Unpublished Preface".
  66. ↑ Watts 2012, p. 213.
  67. ↑ Watts & Carlson 2012b, p. xxi.
  68. ↑ Pethers 2012, p. 3, quoting the "Unpublished Preface".
  69. ↑ Pethers 2012, p. 3.
  70. ↑ Carlson 2007, pp. 414–415.
  71. ↑ Lease 1972, p. 79.
  72. ↑ Rubin 1941, p. 183.
  73. ↑ Sears 1978, p. 82.
  74. ↑ Sears 1978, p. 11.
  75. ↑ Sears 1978, p. 34.
  76. ↑ Lease 1972, p. 203.
  77. ↑ Richards 1933, p. 695.
  78. ↑ Lease 1972, p. 146, quoting the reviewer.
  79. ↑ Lease 1972, pp. 146–147.
  80. ↑ Lease 1972, p. 147.
  81. ↑ Fleischmann 1983, p. 293; Richards 1933, p. 695, quoting Neal in The Yankee.
  82. ↑ Richards 1933, p. 696, quoting "Strafford" in The Yankee.
  83. ↑ Lease 1972, p. 129.
  84. ↑ Sears 1978, p. 86; Lease 1972, p. 145, quoting John Greenleaf Whittier.
  85. ↑ Lease 1972, p. 137, quoting Henry Wadsworth Longfellow.
  86. ↑ Richards 1933, p. 703; Fleischmann 1983, p. 13; Seelye 1964, p. viii; Watts & Carlson 2012b, p. xviii.
  87. ↑ Sears 1978, p. 84.
  88. ↑ Sears 1978, p. 84; Fleischmann 1983, p. 295.
  89. ↑ Lease 1972, p. 145.
  90. ↑ Fleischmann 1983, p. 293.
  91. ↑ Lease 1972, p. 138.
  92. ↑ Seelye 1964, p. viii.
  93. ↑ Lease 1972, pp. 144–145.
  94. ↑ Richards 1933, p. 704.
  95. ↑ Richards 1933, pp. 703–704.
  96. ↑ Merlob 2012, p. 120n11.

Sources

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  • Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found. In Watts & Carlson (2012a).
  • Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found. Facsimile reproduction of 1828 edition.
  • Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found. In Watts & Carlson (2012a).
  • Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  • Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found. In DiMercurio (2018).
  • Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  • Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found. In Neal (1964).
  • Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found. In Watts & Carlson (2012a).
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  • Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found. In Watts & Carlson (2012a).
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External links

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